Transgender, nonbinary people sue Trump administration over passport policy
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(WASHINGTON) — Seven people have filed a federal lawsuit challenging President Donald Trump’s executive order declaring that the U.S. government would only recognize a person’s sex assigned at birth on government-issued documents.
The complaint, filed Friday in U.S. District Court in Massachusetts, accuses the State Department of rejecting some applications from transgender citizens or issuing documents with their sex assigned at birth. The lawsuit also accused the department of holding some passports and other documents submitted by transgender and nonbinary people.
“I’ve lived virtually my entire adult life as a man. Everyone in my personal and professional life knows me as a man, and any stranger on the street who encountered me would view me as a man,” said Massachusetts resident and plaintiff Reid Solomon-Lane in a statement provided by the American Civil Liberties Union, which filed the lawsuit.
“I thought that 18 years after transitioning, I would be able to live my life in safety and ease,” Solomon-Lane added. “Now, as a married father of three, Trump’s executive order and the ensuing passport policy have threatened that life of safety and ease. If my passport were to reflect a sex designation that is inconsistent with who I am, I would be forcibly outed every time I used my passport for travel or identification, causing potential risk to my safety and my family’s safety.”
The lawsuit lists seven plaintiffs. In a news release, the ACLU said more than 1,500 transgender people or their family members have contacted the organization concerned about not being able to get passports that reflect their identity
ABC News has reached out to the State Department for comment on the lawsuit.
Trump’s executive order, signed his first day in office, legally declared that there are only “two sexes, male and female” and defined a “female” as “a person belonging, at conception, to the sex that produces the large reproductive cell.” The order defined “male” as “a person belonging, at conception, to the sex that produces the small reproductive cell.”
The executive order stated: “Invalidating the true and biological category of ‘woman’ improperly transforms laws and policies designed to protect sex-based opportunities into laws and policies that undermine them, replacing longstanding, cherished legal rights and values with an identity-based, inchoate social concept.”
The move was criticized by some medical and legal advocates, who argued the executive order rejected the reality of sexual and gender diversity.
In 2021, the State Department relaxed its rules, allowing applicants to self-identify as either “M” or “F” without needing medical certification or additional documentation to do so. Shortly after, the agency began issuing “X” gender markers for intersex or nonbinary residents.
In states across the country, some residents are allowed to self-select or change the gender or sex on their birth certificates and driver’s licenses.
(WASHINGTON) — Democrats suffered a knockout punch in this month’s elections. New Jersey’s and Virginia’s off-year gubernatorial elections in 2025 offer them their first chances to get off the mat.
Both states have become reliably blue in federal races, but President-elect Donald Trump narrowed his margins in each state, and Democrats are unable to take anything for granted as they undergo a postelection reckoning over their national brand. New Jerseyans haven’t granted one party more than eight straight years in the governor’s mansion in over five decades, and Republican Glenn Youngkin rode into Richmond just three years ago.
That makes the contests to replace term-limited Gov. Phil Murphy, a Democrat, in New Jersey and Youngkin, who can’t run for two consecutive terms, in Virginia key barometers for Democrats’ ability to find their way out of the political wilderness ahead of the midterm elections in 2026.
“I think both these are going to be competitive races. Democrats know to take nothing for granted right now,” said Jared Leopold, a former Democratic Governors Association staffer based in Virginia. “Gubernatorial races have always been the path back for a party out of power, and 2025 is no different. So, this is going to be a huge opportunity for the Democratic Party.”
Both races are in the early stages, with candidates still throwing their hats into the ring.
New Jersey Reps. Josh Gottheimer and Mikie Sherrill, Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, former state Senate President Stephen Sweeney and New Jersey Education Association President Sean Spiller are among the Democrats running to replace Murphy. Rep. Abigail Spanberger is the top Democrat running in Virginia and is widely considered a party powerhouse in the state.
Republicans are also sifting through their own candidates. Former GOP gubernatorial nominee Jack Ciattarelli, who fell short of unseating Murphy by about 3 points in 2021, is running again in New Jersey, as are other candidates who are casting themselves as more aligned with and antagonistic toward Trump’s brand. And Virginia Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears is running for the governor’s mansion with Youngkin’s endorsement.
But it’s Democrats who are on the outside looking in these days, having lost the White House and Senate this month, and eager to bounce back.
Vice President Kamala Harris’ loss to Trump has set off recriminations among Democrats that the party has lost touch with working-class voters and instead reinforced an elitist, out-of-touch brand that was so unpalatable that voters instead opted for a twice-impeached former president who had been convicted of 34 felonies in New York.
Warning signs loomed this month specifically in New Jersey and Virginia. Trump stunned when he became the first Republican presidential candidate in over 30 years to win racially diverse Passaic County in New Jersey. And he made inroads in northern Virginia, the suburban machine of Democrats’ statewide advantage.
Many of the leading Democrats in New Jersey and Virginia have sought to create distance with the party’s left-flank and prioritized affordability over social issues, a possibly effective strategy after voters prioritized economic issues and Trump blanketed the airwaves with ads attacking Harris over her position on transgender issues.
Now, they just have to convince voters that they’re not like the national Democratic bogeymen they’ve heard so much about.
“I think they will be talking the talk. The question is, how can they convince voters that they are walking the walk, and how can they convince voters that this is the centerpiece of their campaign?” said Micah Rasmussen, who served as press secretary for former New Jersey Gov. Jim McGreevey, a Democrat.
“If you can convince voters that you’ve gotten the message and that you need to focus not so much what you want to focus on but you want to focus on what the voters want you to focus on, that’s what it’s going to take,” he added. “I certainly think, at this point, the candidates have gotten the message.”
Democrats in both states have gotten something of a head start over their national counterparts.
Murphy’s narrower-than-expected win over Ciattarelli in 2021 alarmed Democrats who had expected to coast in New Jersey but were instead rebuffed by voters’ complaints about affordability in the high-tax state. And Youngkin’s win in a state that President Joe Biden won by 10 points just a year earlier jolted Democrats there, too.
In hindsight, both results may have foreshadowed the post-COVID-19 economic frustrations that sunk Democrats this year.
Now, candidates are putting the economy first. “Let’s make life more affordable for hardworking New Jerseyans, from health care to groceries to child care,” Sherrill said in her announcement video. Spanberger touts efforts aimed at “lowering prescription drug prices” and “lowering costs and easing inflation.”
Republicans, for their part, are feeling their oats.
While Trump won each swing state by narrow margins, he did sweep them, and he made notable gains among Democratic-friendly demographic groups and in blue states. And almost nothing is as unifying as winning.
“There’s an opportunity for sure, and being unified, that’s step one,” Virginia-based GOP strategist Zack Roday said. “If your party sweeps the House, Senate and the White House, you want to try to just hold your serve downballot and compete, and I think we can actually compete to win at the top. Democrats have the advantage, but there’s a lot around the coalition that could be united in both states that is really appealing to where the GOP is.”
It’s not all doom and gloom for Democrats, though.
Democrats performed well in off-year elections in 2017 after Trump’s first win and in the 2018 midterm elections, and New Jerseyans in particular have traditionally been reluctant to elevate Republicans the year after a Republican wins the White House. And while Trump was able to juice the base and cut into his opponent’s advantages, he still fell short in two states where Democrats retain voter registration edges.
“I don’t think that anyone’s sitting around panicking right now about where the election is. There’s certainly work to do, but there’s no panic,” one senior New Jersey Democratic strategist said.
Trump could also supercharge Democrats’ push to coalesce after their losses this month. His policy proposals, including banning travel from several Muslim-majority countries in 2017, infuriated the Democratic base, leading to Democratic successes in 2017 and 2018.
“It really started when Trump started doing really controversial, unpopular things, like the Muslim ban, and that’s when you saw governors and people come together to fight back against him. My suspicion is that same trend will happen here, where the reality of Trump’s policies will galvanize Democrats,” Leopold said.
However, he added, for a party that’s still smarting after its shortcomings this month, no race is considered safe, and Democrats will have their work cut out for them despite the friendly terrain.
Leopold noted that “2025 is a huge step on the path back for Democrats. We can lick our wounds for the rest of 2024, but come 2025, we got to get focused.”
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson talks to President-elect Donald Trump as they attend the 125th Army-Navy football game Dec. 14, 2024, in Landover, Maryland. (Kevin Dietsch via Getty Images)
(WASHINGTON) — Democrats have a plan to take back power in Washington back from Republicans in two years: work with them now.
Democrats, who are already planning their comeback after being swept out of power in Washington last month, have said they’ll oppose President-elect Donald Trump and his allies when their values collide but are open to cooperation on a range of issues, including immigration, federal spending and entitlements.
The strategy marks a turnaround from 2017, when “resistance” to Trump was Democrats’ rallying cry. But, some lawmakers and operatives said, it also marks a challenge to Republicans for bipartisanship at a time when narrow GOP congressional majorities will likely mandate some level of cooperation.
“People want to see government work, and we’re going to hold Republicans accountable for whether they’re willing to help move things forward for the American people. So, if they aren’t, then absolutely, that will impact them at the ballot box,” said Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash., who led House Democrats’ campaign arm this year and will do so again for the 2026 midterms.
“I think we are telling them that we’re here to govern,” DelBene added. “And I guess the question is, are they serious about governing?”
Republicans are cobbling together an aggressive agenda that would extend Trump-era tax cuts, implement strict border measures and more once they take office next month. The efforts will either be split into two measures or combined into one — but Republicans’ intention is to pass them in a way that wouldn’t need to meet the 60-vote Senate filibuster rule.
However, for the rest of the upcoming 119th Congress, Republicans will have a 220-215 House majority, once vacancies are filled and barring any absences, and only 53 seats in the Senate, short of the 60 needed to unilaterally pass most legislation.
Democrats have already proposed potential areas of cooperation, even as they lick their wounds from a disappointing election and view Trump as anathema to many of their core beliefs.
“To win in 2026 and beyond, Democrats must focus on building an economic message centered on good-paying jobs and revitalizing manufacturing,” California Rep. Ro Khanna said. “But we have a responsibility now to try and find areas of common ground where we can deliver for Americans. I believe that starts with reducing the Pentagon’s oversized defense budget while strongly opposing any cuts to programs like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.”
“We are very open to working with the Trump administration,” added Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly, the Democratic Governors Association chair. “But no doubt if there are things that they push us to do that that we think are wrong, legal, anything like that, we’ll draw the line.”
That attitude will leave Democrats, especially in purple states and districts, with some leverage — either to shape legislation, as they say they plan, or to hammer Republicans as obstinate, operatives said.
It’s very possible battleground Democrats are at times taken up on offers for bipartisanship or are made themselves to accept offers. Both chambers have their share of moderate Republicans, too, including Reps. Mike Lawler New York and David Valadao of California, and Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska.
But each chamber also boasts some Republican hardliners who view bipartisanship as a four-letter word and a sign that a piece of legislation isn’t conservative enough.
“This is how these battleground Democrats are anyway, but I think it will manifest itself in, ‘Take me up on this offer, let’s go.’ And if you don’t, then, ‘OK, I can work with that, too,'” said one Democratic strategist working on House races. “I think for a battleground Democrat, it’s a win-win approach. You have the possibility of working on a bill and a law which you can say, ‘I delivered,’ or you create receipts to bring back to voters to say, ‘I kept on trying.'”
However, some Democrats warned, the party must balance cooperation, even if just offering it, with attacks.
The base still finds Trump — and Republicans in Congress with similar brands — abhorrent, and the results in 2026 will be largely fueled by voter attitudes about the GOP’s control in Washington.
In 2018, Democrats took back the House in a wave largely fueled among their voters by antipathy for Trump. Capitalizing on that frustration could be key again, strategists told ABC News.
“The opportunity to work in a bipartisan way, to increase your own bipartisan credentials becomes very important,” said Dan Sena, the executive director of House Democrats’ campaign arm in 2018. “I just think it’s important at large for the caucus to pay attention to the fact that ultimately, in two years from now, the Republican trifecta is going to get a thumb up or a thumb down from the country, and that’s ultimately going to dictate who has control of House.”
“If I were the Democrats at large,” Sena added, “I would be pretty aggressive in holding the Republicans and then the Trump administration accountable.”
Still, nearly all Democrats agreed that the party should wage a two-pronged strategy, including both cooperation and criticism, and that each will go hand in hand when Democrats find themselves either in congressional majorities next month or having to deal with a Republican president even as they lead their states as governors.
“I think this openness to working with them is less that you are going to see actual collaboration, I think it’s that people are trying to set themselves up to have some credibility in other spaces to be against stuff that they’re doing,” said one former Democratic House aide. “It carries more weight and legitimacy if you’re someone who’s open minded to working with them, and then they take a hard right and you speak out.”
Either way, Democrats are ready to pounce heading into 2026, when both chambers of Congress and 36 governorships will be up for grabs.
“In politics, it’s always the right move to extend a hand,” said Jared Leopold, a Democratic strategist and former DGA staffer. “And if somebody chooses to slap you in the face instead, you better make sure you catch it on camera.”
(WASHINGTON) — With just days left in his administration, President Joe Biden will sign a new executive order focused on bolstering the infrastructure needed to for advanced AI operations in the U.S., according to the White House.
“I am signing an historic Executive Order to accelerate the speed at which we build the next generation of AI infrastructure here in America, in a way that enhances economic competitiveness, national security, AI safety, and clean energy,” Biden said in a Tuesday statement on the announcement.
The order will direct the Department of Defense and the Department of Energy to lease federal sites where the private sector can build AI infrastructure “at speed and scale,” he said.
“These efforts are designed to accelerate the clean energy transition in a way that is responsible and respectful to local communities, and in a way that does not impose any new costs on American families,” Biden added.
Tarun Chabra, deputy assistant to the president and coordinator for technology and national security, said on a call previewing the order that it’s “really critical” for national security to establish a path for building the data centers and power infrastructure in the U.S.
“Domestic data centers for training and operating powerful AI models will help the United States facilitate AI’s safe and secure development and harness AI in the service of our national security,” he said. “It will also prevent our adversaries from accessing these powerful systems to the detriment of our military and our national security, while preventing the United States from growing dependent on other countries to access powerful AI tools.”
Biden underscored the importance of AI in his remarks at the State Department on Monday.
“AI has the power to reshape, reshape economies, governments, national security, entire societies. And it must be the United States and our closest allies lead the way to ensure people’s rights are respected, their safety is protected, and their data is secure,” Biden said.
Officials on a call with reporters noted current strains on the AI market to make investments needed for large-scale operations saying their cost, power constraints and permitting challenges resulting in long lead times to bring data centers to market.
“The Executive Order directs certain agencies to make federal sites available for AI data centers and new clean power facilities, facilitate this infrastructure’s interconnection to the electric grid, fulfill permitting obligations expeditiously, and advance transmission development around federal sites,” according to a fact sheet on the announcement.
Specifically, the order will direct the Department of Defense and the Department of Energy to identify at least three federal sites each they own for these types of developments and allow private sector companies to bid competitively on leases to build on the sites.
